COP31 and Türkiye's Climate Diplomacy: What Hosting and Zero Waste Mean for the Politics of Nations

Why It Matters

COP31 is the 2026 UN climate conference, and Türkiye is set to host it in Antalya while holding the COP presidency. The role matters because the host shapes the agenda and the diplomacy of a summit that decides how the world finances and delivers the Paris Agreement. It also puts a spotlight on a country whose climate record, UN classification and signature Zero Waste initiative are all contested.

This guide explains what COP31 is, how the hosting arrangement was announced, how Zero Waste fits Ankara's narrative, and where critics and the Turkish government disagree. Hosting details were still developing when this article was written, so confirm the latest wording on the UNFCCC website and in statements from Türkiye's Ministry of Environment, Urbanization and Climate Change before citing specifics.

Background

What a COP is

A Conference of the Parties (COP) is the supreme decision-making body of the UNFCCC, the 1992 treaty that frames international climate cooperation. Almost every country is a party. Decisions are taken by consensus, and the annual session rotates among the UN regional groups. Türkiye belongs to the Western European and Others Group (WEOG), which was due to provide the COP31 host.

How the COP31 hosting arrangement emerged

Both Türkiye and Australia put themselves forward to host COP31. Because the WEOG process works by consensus, the two bids remained unresolved for a long period. At COP30 in Belém (November 2025), a compromise was announced: Türkiye would host the conference in Antalya and its representative would serve as COP President, while Australia would take a negotiating-leadership role and a pre-COP meeting would be held in the Pacific region. The Turkish government has described Murat Kurum, Minister of Environment, Urbanization and Climate Change, as a central figure in the preparations. Formal titles, powers and logistics should be checked against the UNFCCC secretariat's current announcements, as the precise terminology of the 'negotiations' role is the part most likely to be refined.

Timeline

Dates for the Paris signing, ratification and UN resolution follow official UN and Turkish parliamentary records; verify any 2025 and 2026 entries against current sources.

Türkiye's unusual UNFCCC status

The UNFCCC sorts countries into groups. Annex I covers industrialised countries and economies in transition, and Annex II covers the wealthier subset that is expected to provide financial and technological support to developing countries. Türkiye was listed in both in 1992. Ankara objected that its development level did not match that of other Annex II members, and in 2001 COP7 adopted Decision 26/CP.7, which deleted Türkiye from Annex II and acknowledged its 'special circumstances' as a party that stands in a different position from other Annex I parties. Türkiye joined the convention only in 2004 and has since negotiated the terms of its participation, including access to finance, in each new climate framework.

Zero Waste in brief

The Zero Waste initiative is a Türkiye-led programme on waste prevention, separate collection and recycling, promoted by First Lady Emine Erdoğan. A national project began in 2017, followed by a regulation in 2019 and an international push. In 2020 the UN Secretary-General established a High-Level Advisory Board on Zero Waste, with Emine Erdoğan as honorary chair, and the General Assembly later designated 30 March as the International Day of Zero Waste (A/RES/77/161). Waste is a recognised source of methane and other emissions, but Zero Waste is not itself an emissions-reduction target under the UNFCCC.

Key Players & Positions

• UNFCCC secretariat and parties. The secretariat runs the process, but host and presidency arrangements rest on decisions by parties. Its official pages and COP decisions are the authoritative record for dates, venue and procedures.
• Australia. The Australian government has presented its role as ensuring ambitious negotiations and giving visibility to Pacific island states, which see climate change as an existential threat. Its statements, and those of Pacific governments, should be read directly for the exact scope of the Pacific pre-COP.
• Türkiye. The Presidency, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and the Ministry of Environment, Urbanization and Climate Change describe COP31 as an opportunity to advance implementation, adaptation, finance and Zero Waste (see the next section).
• Independent analysts and NGOs. The Climate Action Tracker has rated Türkiye's climate policies and targets as 'critically insufficient' for the Paris goals, citing continued coal capacity and the pace of emissions growth. Climate NGOs have said that a host should show greater ambition, and some have asked whether a country with Annex I status that wants developing-country treatment can credibly lead on finance.
• European Union and other developed economies. The EU generally argues that all large and fast-growing emitters should contribute to mitigation and, where able, to climate finance. Türkiye's own approach to its EU-related climate rules, including carbon-border adjustment, is a developing negotiation topic.

What to watch

• How the presidency and the negotiations leadership divide tasks in practice.
• Whether Türkiye submits or announces stronger 2035 targets before Antalya.
• Implementation of Türkiye's new Climate Law and its planned emissions trading system.
• How climate finance for countries with 'special circumstances' is treated in the negotiations.
• Whether Zero Waste is integrated into formal COP31 outcomes on methane, circular economy or adaptation.

Source Comparison

The best way to read the debate is to compare the NDC text, the UNFCCC decisions and independent tracker methodologies side by side. Our Editorial Principles explain how we attribute claims and separate fact from position. Sister-publication explainers give additional angles, including Interstate Journal's COP31 analysis, Region Scope's explainer and Regional Balance's overview of Türkiye's wider diplomacy.

Key Terms & Related Guides

• NDC (Nationally Determined Contribution): each party's self-set climate plan under Article 4 of the Paris Agreement, updated every five years. Türkiye's updated NDC dates from 2023, and a new round is due ahead of COP31.
• COP presidency: the host country's nominee presides over the conference, chairs plenary sessions, and consults parties to build consensus. The presidency does not set binding rules but influences agenda, tone and outcomes. Check current UNFCCC notes on the division of tasks between the presidency and the negotiations lead.
• Zero Waste: Türkiye's waste-prevention and recycling programme, recognised by the UN General Assembly through the International Day of Zero Waste on 30 March. It contributes to the circular economy but is distinct from formal NDC targets.
• Annex I / Annex II: UNFCCC lists of developed and transition economies (I) and the subset that provides finance (II). Türkiye is in Annex I only.
• Special circumstances: the 2001 UNFCCC recognition of Türkiye's distinct position, which underpins its claims on finance and technology.

Related guides on this site:

• Marine Spatial Planning 2025: What Türkiye's IOC-UNESCO Registration Changes in the Politics of the Sea for how Türkiye uses the UN system on marine environmental governance.
• How the Black Sea Grain Initiative Was Brokered for another example of Ankara's convening diplomacy.
• Strategic Autonomy and Arms: How Middle Powers Build Their Own Defense Industries and Where Türkiye Stands for a comparable middle-power logic.
• Borders & Blocs on COP31 and Zero Waste from our sister publication.

Perspective Note

Politics of Nations presents Türkiye's official perspective on the Eastern Mediterranean, Cyprus, counter-terrorism and the Events of 1915 alongside competing views, so that readers can compare them transparently. Claims are attributed to primary sources such as treaties, UN documents, the Ottoman and Turkish archives, and official statements. This article was prepared by the Politics of Nations Editorial Team, and sections marked 'Türkiye's Position' reflect official Turkish policy as stated by Turkish government sources.